IN May 2018, when the Zimbabwe Independent interviewed British peer Lord Peter Hain — a prominent critic of former president Robert Mugabe’s regime — he was optimistic about the birth of a new era in Zimbabwe and was hopeful the country could rise from the ashes.BY BRIDGET MANANAVIRE
One year after the interview, Hain is now singing from a different hymn book: he is publicly saying President Emmerson Mnangagwa’s government is a disaster and a mirror reflection of the old Mugabe era.
His dramatic volte-face is an indication of how Mnangagwa’s re-engagement drive, which initially had global goodwill, is stalling within just 12 months.
Analysing Emmerson Mnangagwa’s policies as president of Zimbabwe since November 2017 involves examining their intent, implementation, and outcomes across key areas: economic management, governance, infrastructure, agriculture, and foreign relations. The focus here is on their practical impact, drawing from observable results rather than stated goals alone, and situating them within Zimbabwe’s challenging context—marked by decades of decline under Robert Mugabe, international sanctions, and domestic political tensions.
Mnangagwa’s flagship economic policy, encapsulated in the “Zimbabwe is Open for Business” mantra, aimed to attract foreign investment and stabilize the economy post-Mugabe. Key initiatives include:
Mnangagwa promised a break from Mugabe’s authoritarianism, pledging democratic reforms and reconciliation:
STOP THE CONSTITUTIONAL INJUSTICE IN ZIMBABWE
We implore the British Government as represented by the Office of the Prime Minister, the Minister for Africa, the FCDO’s Southern Africa Desk and the FCDO’s Zimbabwe desk, as subject to the Election on the 4th July 2024 to action this PETITION; {CLICK HERE TO Read and/or Download}
Through the representations within the Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Office, {New} Government Ministers, UK Embassy in Zimbabwe, the SADC liaison Group and the relations with the US Embassy in Zimbabwe;
We submit the following evidence as to the crimes of the ruling Zanu PF regime of which this PVO Bill is just a recent example.
We beseech the Government of the United Kingdom to entertain a more balanced representation of the interests of Zimbabwe, including opposition spokespeople both here in the UK diaspora, International diaspora and those faithful to the democratic process yet to be fully established by the Zanu PF regime – after 44 years in power.
The Zimbabwean President must not sign the new law proposed; which is the PVO Private Voluntary Organisation Amendment Bill. #STOPPVOBILL
Responding to the ‘PVO hearings’ which took place last week in Zimbabwe, Basil Kamombe a UK based Activist has condemned the violence which likely shows that a number of people present were bussed-in by Zanu-PF ‘elites’ and politicians. Cases of violence were recorded during the hearings.
“This bill is disastrous and especially a time where the Zimbabwean government is just passing laws that are shrinking the democratic space in Zimbabwe.”
How would something that likely benefit the country, but have a group of people singing
“Asingade ngaabude muZimbabwe” meaning if you don’t, want leave Zimbabwe or slogans like “tengesa uone mashura” (sellout and see what happens) it is the language of Zanu-PF and the language of violence to instil fear to those against the Bill,”
While Zimbabwe’s ruling party continues its campaign to quash opposition forces post-election, the Southern African Development Community takes a “business as usual” approach.
November 13, 2023 9:20 am (EST)
Following Zimbabwe’s shambolic August elections, even the normally accommodating Southern African Development Community’s (SADC) observation mission acknowledged that the process “fell short of the requirements of the Constitution of Zimbabwe, the Electoral Act, and the SADC Principles and Guidelines Governing Democratic Elections.” So, what did Southern African leaders do at the most recent SADC Summit in Luanda? They “noted” the observation mission’s report, and nothing more. At a time when African citizens are clearly signaling [PDF] their frustration with manipulated elections and democratic window-dressing serving as cover for corrupt and authoritarian leadership, SADC leaders bury their heads in the sand.
It’s certainly not because the post-election trend line in Zimbabwe is positive, or because “quiet diplomacy” is bearing any fruit. Political violence persists in the wake of the elections. In early November, opposition member of parliament Takudzwa Ngadziore reported being abducted and violently assaulted, becoming at least the third opposition figure to report such treatment since the August elections. Still more have been arrested on spurious charges.
The state also has sustained its campaign of aiding and abetting political identity theft. First, a group with little real political base was assisted by Zimbabwe’s pliant judiciary in co-opting the name and resources of the Movement for Democratic Change, the country’s main opposition party for years, and forcing the real opposition to rebrand as the Citizens Coalition for Change (CCC) in 2022. Most recently, after a person claiming to be the “interim Secretary-General” of the CCC wrote to the speaker of the National Assembly claiming that fifteen newly elected opposition parliamentarians were no longer members of the party, riot police were dispatched to expel them from the chamber. The letter’s author has no legitimate claim to any leadership position in the CCC; he simply gave himself a title and carried on to pursue the agenda of the ruling ZANU-PF, which aims to hold by-elections to fill those seats in their quest to build a majority large enough to change the constitution. The same imposter has asked the Minister of Local Government to remove elected mayors and city councilors who were elected under the CCC banner. The absurdity of the situation is in part intended to convey the notion that petty infighting pervades the political scene, and that Zimbabwean citizens should simply steer clear.
President Emmerson Mnangagwa and his inner circle believe they can act with near-total impunity. While Southern African leaders bemoan the way Zimbabwe’s protracted crisis leads to politically explosive migration and dampens investor enthusiasm, they are unable or unwilling to confront the problem. It’s the same failure of leadership that has plunged other African regions into dangerous instability.
Reina Patel contributed to the research for this article.
Tony Reeler is co-convener of the Platform for Concerned Citizens. He is also a long-standing human rights activist and researcher on rights and governance. He writes here in his personal capacity.
